This is a composition meant for a 13-year-old granddaughter of a friend of mine. The granddaughter and her family live in England. Her mother is Greek, and her father is a Bengali Hindu. She had been told by her teacher to speak to her class about her religion. My friend and his wife passed the task on to me. After composing this I was rather pleased with it, and thought that this might be useful to other kids of similar age. So here it is.

I am British by nationality and Hindu by religion. My father is a Hindu and my mother is a Greek Orthodox Christian. My parents left it to us to choose our religion and I decided to be a Hindu. So I want to tell you something about the Hindu religion.

It is also known as the 'Sanatan' religion, which means "old' or 'ancient' or 'original'. The name 'Hindu' was given by the Persians (now known as Iranians) who gave the name to the people who lived on the other side of the River Sindhu.  Sindhu is now known as the River Indus. The names 'Indus' and 'India' were given by the Greeks when they tried to invade India under King Alexander the Great. The Persians could not pronounce the word 'Sindhu', so they called us 'Hindu'. Likewise they could not pronounce Alexander, so they called him 'Sikandar'. The Sindhu or Indus River is now mostly in Pakistan. 

The Hindu religion is known as 'Sanatan' because it is the oldest religion in the world. No single person began this religion. That way it is quite different from Christianity which was begun by Jesus Christ, or Islam which was begun by Hazrat Mohammed. In the ancient times sages used to sit in meditation, or deep thinking, and told their thoughts to their pupils. The pupils memorised them and passed them on to their pupils. Then later on some of the pupils' pupils' pupils wrote them down and added something. The original scriptures, or holy books, of Hindus came up this way. They were called the Vedas.

There are four Vedas, Rik, Yaju, Saam and Atharva. Again, there are further divisions. The philosophical parts of the Vedas are called the Upanishads. These are the most important parts. After the Vedas many more, maybe hundreds, holy books were written. But the most popular Hindu holy book is the Srimad-Bhagavad-Gita. It is written in very simple language, but has deep meanings.

Hinduism thus has no single holy book like the Bible or the Quran. Hindus are free to follow any or all of the books. 

Hindus also have no single idea of God. Many Hindus worship only one God. Some worship three Gods, some worship innumerable Gods. Some worship a formless God, some imagine their God to be male, female or child. Some do not even believe in a God. They are called Nastikas. These do not cause any quarrels among the different kinds of Hindus. All of them remain Hindus and live in peace among themselves and with non-Hindus.

India is the mother country of Hindus, but they exist all over the world. Nepal is mostly Hindu and they are there in big numbers in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, Surinam, South Africa, Indonesia and in many other countries. The United Kingdom, United States of America and Canada also have large Hindu populations.

Are there no bad things in Hinduism? Yes, there were and there still are. Hindus have divisions among themselves called 'caste' based on their births. The people who considered themselves 'upper caste' looked down upon the 'lower castes', sometimes didn't even touch them. Untouchability has been done away with in India by law, and the other distinctions are also gradually dying out. One thing about Hinduism is that it can change all the time, depending on the times. Formerly there were horrible things like Sutee, in which widows were burnt alive with their husbands' dead bodies. There were also human sacrifices. All these have been abolished long back. Just as Joan of Arc was burnt alive or slavery existed in the United States, but these things do not exist any more!

Hindus do not believe that theirs is the only correct religion and all others are false religions. This is very important. They also do not force, or even persuade others to follow their religion. Anybody is free to join it any time or leave it any time. Hindus respect all religions and consider them as different ways of worshipping or reaching God. I am very happy to be a Hindu in this country.

REPLY TO KAVEREE BAMZAI'S ARTICLE ON ME IN theprint.in CALLING ME "INDIA'S FIRST TOXIC TWITTER GOVERNOR"

Some of you might have read the above article in the webzine theprint.in I had sent a set of comments on the article back to Ms Bamzai. I thought the comments ought to be in public domain. Hence this blog

Read the article carefully. Frankly, I am disappointed. Not because you have violently differed with me, which you have a right to do, but because of your diffuse, noncommittal manner of presentation, avoiding any conclusions, and taking random pot-shots. Take the following:

 

'Toxic': One of your definitive expressions of disapproval. But 'toxic' is not always undesirable! Ever hear of the drug Adriamycin? It's so toxic it can pierce your skin and dissolve your flesh if it comes in contact with bare skin. But it is invaluable in the treatment of cancer. It's the same way with a polity infected to the core, its value system warped by the Left-Nehruvian version of 'secularism'.

'Conspiracy theories about the deaths of Right-wing ideologues Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee' and Deen Dayal Upadhyay': Dr Mookerjee died in Sheikh Abdullah's prison. The medical reasons given for his death were challenged by more than a dozen very eminent doctors. Yet there was no inquiry, Nehru and his Home Minister Katju stonewalled any inquiry without giving any reason. As for Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyay, his dead body was found in Mughalsarai rail yard. Would anybody in his senses say that these very prominent people (your personal prejudices against Right-wing ideologues notwithstanding) died a natural death and there is no need for an inquiry into their deaths? In fact you have also not said so, just left the question hanging!

'seemingly urbane': Ah, you think I am a country bumpkin inside, with only a veneer of urbanity? Well...

'who is able to eloquently articulate the RSS' deepest, darkest, blah blah blah' : I take that as a compliment. Thanks.

'Hidden history': It is here that your I object most to your diffuse style. Did or did not Gandhiji, upon the advice of C.Rajagopalachari go to see Jinnah and practically conceded Pakistan? Yes or no? On 12th February 1950 was or was not there a massacre of all Hindu passengers over the Meghna Bridge in East Pakistan? Yes or no? Were or were not all Hindus in Muladi, Madhabpasha, Lakutia and Rajapur in Barisal district of erstwhile East Pakistan slaughtered? Yes or no? If you differ with me why don't you say I'm lying? The Ram Guha-Bipan Chandra type of historians would try to avoid all these subjects, BECAUSE TO ANSWER TO EACH ONE OF THESE IS 'YES'. And in their Nehruvian logic a Muslim can do no wrong, so these ought to remain hidden -- until a toxic Governor comes along.  Actually Meghna Bridge, Muladi, Madhabpasha, Lakutia and Rajapur ought to be as well-known as Auschwitz-Birkenau, Treblinka, Sobibor, Maidanek or Katyn Forest. They are not, because the victims themselves, infected by the Left-Nehruvian version of 'secularism', have chosen to conceal them.

I appreciate what Tufail Ahmed has said, because he is specific with his allegations. I don't agree with him - in parts. I do think there has been overmuch of pluralism, an undue emphasis on 'diversity' rather than 'unity'. I am not anti-Muslim and I differ with your description of my views as 'relentless spewing of hatred towards Muslims'. It is just that I do not believe in the Left-Nehruvian dictum "A Muslim can do no wrong", and I am as forthcoming with wrongs done by Hindus (such as the mass murder of 3,000 Sikhs in 1984) as I am with those done by Muslims (such as driving out 3,50,000 Kashmiri Pandits from the valley in 1989-90). I am not an Islamophobe either, although I had a right to be one, having seen the driving out of a crore of Hindus from East Pakistan and Bangladesh, among which members of my extended family were also there. I am just, if I can coin a term, virulently anti-anti-Hindu.

But you are right that I have a visceral abhorrence of the late lamented Jawaharlal Nehru, who among other things, was guilty of the very creation of the Kashmir problem, acquiescing in the Chinese annexation of Tibet, batting for Communist China's entry to the UN security council and condemning the refugees from East Pakistan to the most unimaginable misery. I have named just a few. After all, one must be kind to the dead.

I did not block Saswati Sarkar because she 'called me out'. I never do that. I block people only when they are abusive. Incidentally, you have given the impression that Saswati is a scholar of history at U Penn. No, she teaches Electrical Engineering there.

The article, incidentally, has not created much reader interest. I posted it on Twitter, calling for responses. No response. This is apart from the Coup man giving publicity to it.

Thanks for posting a very favourite photograph of me, at one of the most beautiful places on earth I have visited. This is at Yosemite National Park, California.        

 

বাংলা ভাষার বিকৃতি

বাংলা লেখা, বানান ও উচ্চারণে বিকৃতি আমাকে মাঝে মাঝে ভাবিয়েছে | আমি ভাষার ব্যাপারে একটু purist  আছি, অতএব এই বিকৃতি আমার পছন্দ হবার কথা নয়, হয়ওনি  | সম্প্রতি টুইটারে এ সম্বন্ধে দুই-একজনের একটু উৎসাহ দেখে মনে হল, এসম্বন্ধে একটু আলোচনা করা যেতে পারে | তাই এই ব্লগ |

কেউ কেউ সন্দেহ প্রকাশ করেছেন যে বাংলাদেশী বাংলায় ব্যবহৃত ফার্সী ও আরবী শব্দের অনুপ্রবেশের ফলে এই ঘটনা ঘটেছে | কেউ বলেন হিন্দি শব্দের অনুপ্রবেশের ফলে |

আমি একমত নই | বস্তুত বাংলাদেশী বাংলা এবং পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বাংলার সম্পর্ক ইংরাজের ইংরেজি ও মার্কিন ইংরেজির মধ্যে যা অনেকটা তাই | ইংরাজের ইংরেজিতে অনেক কথা আছে যা মার্কিনরা বোঝেই না, যেমন 'fortnight' অথবা 'queue' | তেমনি বাংলাদেশী বাংলার শব্দ 'আহাজারি' (=শোকপ্রকাশ), 'এন্তেকাল' (=মৃত্যু), 'ফযর' (=সকাল)  পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বাঙালির বোধগম্য নয় | বস্তুত ইংরাজের ইংরেজি ও মার্কিন ইংরেজি যেমন একই ভাষার দুটো আলাদা ধারা, বাংলাদেশী বাংলা এবং পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বাংলাও তাই |

ভাষায় বিকৃতির মূল কারণ আমার মনে হয় হিন্দি বা ইংরেজি থেকে আক্ষরিক অনুবাদ, অথবা একই হিন্দি ও বাংলা শব্দের অর্থের পার্থক্য অনুধাবন না করা |  প্রথমটির উদাহরণ হিন্দি "दो खरीदिये, तीन पाइये" বাংলা অনুবাদ "দুটি কিনুন, তিনটি পান" | 'পান'-এর জায়গায় 'পাবেন' বললে সেটা অনেক ভালো বাংলা হত | দ্বিতীয়টির উদাহরণ হিন্দি 'अंतिम' এবং 'आलोचना' |  দুটি শব্দই বাংলায়ও আছে | এর মধ্যে প্রথমটির মানে দুই ভাষাতেই 'শেষ' | কিন্তু হিন্দি শব্দটি খুব সাধারণ অর্থে ব্যবহৃত হয়, যেমন "अगला और अंतिम स्टेशन टालीगंज" | অপরপক্ষে বাংলা শব্দটি মৃত্যুর সঙ্গে সম্পর্কিত | তেমনি হিন্দি  'आलोचना' মানে বাংলায় 'নিন্দা' | এগুলো না বুঝলে বিকৃতি অবশ্যম্ভাবী |

আর একটা বিকৃতি হল সোজা ভুল | একটি যাত্রার বিজ্ঞাপনে একবার দেখেছিলাম "ডাক্তার অমুক, মেডিসিন ট্রলারের উপর প্রেসক্রিপশন লিখছেন | বিজ্ঞাপনদাতা বলতে চেয়েছেন 'মেডিসিন ট্রলি', কিন্তু ইংরাজিজ্ঞানের অভাবে ভুল শব্দ ঢুকে গেছে | 'ট্রলার'  মানে মাছ ধরার জাহাজ | এগুলি বিজ্ঞাপনের কপিরাইটারের ভুল | আজকাল ভাষা শিক্ষা এবং ব্যবহার কোথায় নেমে গেছে এটি তার একটি উদাহরণ |

পশ্চিমবঙ্গের আর্থিক পরিস্থিতির সঙ্গেও বাংলা ভাষার বিকৃতির সম্পর্ক আছে | ৩৪ বছরের বামফ্রন্ট শাসনে রাজ্যের একটাও ক্ষেত্রে নেই যেখানে অধোগতি হয় নি | বর্তমানেও সেই tradition সমানে চলেছে | এই অবস্থায় রাজ্যের বিদ্বান বুদ্ধিমান লোক যে রাজ্যে থাকবেন না সেটাই স্বাভাবিক | এর প্রতিফলন ভাষায়ও পড়তে বাধ্য | 

বিকৃতির নিশ্চয়ই আরো গূঢ় কারণ আছে | এ বিষয়ে কেউ আলোকপাত করলে আমি উপকৃত হব |  

REFLECTIONS ON 31ST DECEMBER 2018 (ALSO DOUBLES AS A NEWSLETTER)

REFLECTIONS ON 31^ST DECEMBER 2018

(ALSO DOUBLES AS A NEWSLETTER)

So 2018 has also ended. How am I and how has been the year?

For somebody ensconced in the Governor’s exalted but totally powerless chair, there are hardly any ripples, let alone waves. No responsibility either, unless one happens to be in Jammu and Kashmir or unless something really untoward happens, as had happened during the very short time I was Governor of Arunachal in 2016.

During the last year for the first eight months I was Governor of Tripura. The year, however, did have some ripples. For one, there was a change of government in Tripura – a sea-change, I must say. Not that I had anything to do with it, but people either congratulated me for it, or accused me, depending on where they stand politically. But I can say this in good conscience that I had nothing whatsoever to do with it. I had reasons to be sore, not very seriously but sore nevertheless, with the outgoing Chief Minister Shri Manik Sarkar, but I don’t think he can accuse me of any unconstitutional behaviour. Towards the end of his reign I wanted the Home Secretary and the Director-General of Police to see me in connection with a murder charge against a police officer and a few other issues, but he would not let them see me. It embarrassed the poor Chief Secretary, who was in the middle, no end. I remember earlier he had crossed my path once in regard to the appointment of an Officer on Special Duty for me. It was quite unjustified, in my opinion. I had to put my political skills to work to get my way. However, relations between the two of us on the surface were good, and the usual courtesies were not lacking either on his part or mine.

Following the change of government the new Chief Minister Shri Biplab Deb took office in March 2018. He, of course, treated me like an elder brother. It’s a pity I got so little time to work with him.

A Governor normally has no chance to make any personal contributions to the state he is governing, but I can honestly name two achievements in Tripura. The first was the completion of the new Raj Bhavan and moving in there in April 2018. My civil engineering expertise and experience came in very handy in this task, as also in the second. The second was the improvement of National Highway 44 – not in Tripura but in Assam, from Churaibari border to Badarpur Ghat in Assam. This was and still is literally the lifeline of Tripura, but the Tripura government, for reasons that I know but cannot state just now, was not taking up the issue with either the Assam government or the Union Surface Transport ministry. I did what I could and the road is now quite good. I am grateful to Shri Nitin Gadkari, Union Surface Transport minister, and Shri Parimal Suklabaidya, Assam’s minister for PWD for their help.

Towards the beginning of August I got an indication that I was likely to be moved. No reasons were forthcoming. Then the Union Home Minister called me up to say that I was being posted in Meghalaya. To tell the truth, I was VERY happy. I had wanted to go to Odisha and had told him so – no major reason, except that my wife spent her childhood in Rourkela, and she would have been very happy to go there again as first lady. Also I am a nature lover, and Odisha offers more than enough to any nature lover. But Meghalaya is almost equally inviting, and had other attractions. I was sworn in here on 25^th August 2018, and became the temporary resident of the incredible Raj Bhavan here – British-built, of varnished  Burma teak. Coming to Shillong as Governor is like a homecoming. I had spent a very significant part of my childhood here, at Muktakeshi Lodge, Jail Road, till 1952, and I am familiar with the town of Shillong like the back of my hand. My next younger brother Saugata (Trinamool Congress MP from Dum Dum, West Bengal) was born here.

There was a time – till the nineteen eighties – when we had nearly a dozen relatives in this town, one of whom was my father’s elder brother Dr. Naresh Chandra Roy who had built a huge house at Laitumkhrah, and was our closest blood relative. He had died in 1977, but his family was still there and I used to visit them every other year when I was in college, and even afterwards, quite frequently. His second son Hiralal, known in Shillong as Harold Roy, was a minor celebrity in his time.  He was a colourful character and a Guru to us, who taught us many lessons in life, some good, some not so good. My family, both on my father’s and mother’s side, had been settled in this town since the early twentieth century. Even my wife’s maternal grandfather, Paresh Lal Shome, was the Advocate General of Assam in the 1940s and a resident of the town. As such, this town was a second home for us after Kolkata. But those relatives had gradually left, either for Kolkata or for the ultimate destination of everyone, and right now I have only a distant relative here, in Laban. But I still feel very at home here, and have struck up a very nice and affable relationship with the Chief Minister Conrad Sangma.

Things are all right on the family front. My wife Anuradha is a little overcome with the cold here (around 6^o C in the mornings and evenings, likely to get worse). I am enjoying the cold, and also the fact that all my heavy woollens and stuff like a North Face windcheater are finding good use here. My daughters and grandchildren in the US are also fine. The grandchildren, Surya Kiran Rao (12), Uma Rao (8) and Leon Khedekar-Roy (1) are coming along very nicely, God bless them. This year in July we made a trip stateside and spent a lovely time with them. I have planned to tour the state, but so far have made it only to four district headquarters besides Shillong – namely Nongstoin, Nongpoh, Khliehriat and Jowai, besides Sohra (Cherrapunji), Shella and Dawki. Garo Hills are still untouched. Hope to cover it in the near future.

And, oh, I’ve been busy tweeting. In my conscience I have never crossed the line that the Constitution sets for Governors, but a lot of people don’t think so, and throw brickbats. Aw, what the hell, this is a democratic country, and I have never been a stranger to controversies, nor reputed for political correctness.

Goodbye for now. See you on 31st December 2019.

RSS AND INDIA'S FREEDOM STRUGGLE

I am very often asked a question, both in public fora and in private conversation: what was RSS's contribution to India's freedom struggle? Someone was even stupid enough to ask, what was BJP's contribution to the freedom struggle? To this I asked the counter-question, because I knew that the person asking was a Leftist, "What was the Communist Party's contribution to the Battle of Plassey? The man saw that he had made a gaffe and fell silent. 

But to take the question seriously, what indeed was the contribution? I have formulated an answer to this question, but before that, a caveat: this is based on my private perception as an informed and devout Swayamsevak, not the official view of the RSS or anywhere near it.

As I see it, this question can be answered in two ways, depending on the view one takes. I shall discuss both, briefly of course. Both are my views, not anyone else's.

According to one view that I have taken, the question just does not arise. Freedom struggle was fought, could be fought, only by political outfits, not just any old organisation, not any organisation other than a political one. Schools, colleges or universities did not fight for freedom. Nor did hospitals, athletic clubs, hotels, bar associations, ashrams, madarsahs, churches, the Tablighi Jamaat, even trade unions. Most certainly not social welfare organizations. The struggle was fought by the Congress, the Hindu Mahasabha, Forward Bloc, Azad Hind Fauj, revolutionary organisations like the Anushilan Samity, Jugantar, Indian Republican Army (the people who stormed the Chittagong Armoury), Sri Sangha, Dipali Sangha Ghaddar Party of Punjab, individual revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh, the Chapekar brothers, the Binoy-Badal-Dinesh trio, and so on. Whether the Communist Party and Muslim League, both very much political outfits, had any role (or even had a negative role) in the struggle is open to question, but that we shall debate elsewhere. But why should the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangha, whose sole and declared aim was to awaken and organize Hindu society as Hindus, and build human beings on this ideal, and whose professed policy was to stay away from politics, be expected to be any different from any other social welfare organization?

Take concrete cases. Did the Arya Samaj, which was a religious and educational reform movement founded by Dayanand Saraswatiji, have any significant role in fighting the British? No, because it  stayed away from politics. Did the Ramakrishna Mission founded by Swami Vivekananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha founded by Swami Pranavananda, Gaudiya Math, Brahmo Samaj founded by Raja Ram Mohun Roy, Theosophical Society founded by Madame Blavatsky  have any such role? No, because ditto ditto. Rabindranath Tagore established the Visva-Bharati, an educational and cultural institution, which drew great men of learning like Stella Kramrisch, Sten Konow and Bogdanov from all over the world and brought forth a school of learning quite distinct from that devised and put into effect by Macaulay. Did he go out to the streets and fight with the British police? Of course not, although Tagore made his extreme disapproval of British tyranny manifest by returning his knighthood post the massacre at Jallianwalabagh. Sir Asutosh Mookerjee elevated Calcutta University to such a level of learning that it could turn out the first Asian Nobel laureate in science in C.V.Raman and a world-famous philosopher like Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. But he advised students to apply themselves to their studies before participating in any nationalist movement. Did they lead any processions, flag in hand? No, of course not! But does that mean that any of these people or organisation were lacking in patriotism compared to known freedom fighters like, say, Gandhiji or Nehru? No, of course not!

Therefore, where does the question of  the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangha doing any of these arise? In a declared and explicit manner it stayed away from politics. If it had been into politics it would not have needed to help Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee's newborn Jana Sangh with its Swayamsevaks like Sundar Singh Bhandari, Deen Dayal Upadhyay and Jagannathrao Joshi -- it could have straightaway plunged into the 1952 elections! But it did not, because it reasoned that politics will adulterate its professed objectives of Hindu samaj ko Hindu ke nate jagrat aur sangathit karna, and Manushya Nirman, the cardinal principle enunciated by its founder, Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. 

There is, therefore, no question of the RSS participating in the freedom struggle. The question simply does not arise. It is the result of a Leftist construct -- the example and results of which have been observed in Leftist-ruled states in India, where there is politics in everything, from research in quantum mechanics to poultry farming. In fact Anil Biswas, the secretary and ideologue of the West Bengal CPI(M) had said so once in so many words: Rajneetir baire kichhu hoy na, nothing is outside politics.

However, another view is possible. Paraphrasing Milton's immortal line, "They also serve who only stand and wait", fight against an oppressor is not done only by taking a flag and fighting on the streets, but also by those who serve society and create public opinion by their efforts in culture, education, science, religion and the like. In that view, Swami Dayanand, Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Tagore, Swami Pranavananda and the rest -- they were all freedom fighters. Dr Hedgewar and Guruji Golwalkar kindled in the Hindu mind a spirit of freedom that was all but extinguished by eight hundred years of Turkish-Afghan and two hundred years of British subjugation. They were, therefore, no less freedom fighters than the rest. Nor was their organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangha.      

REFLECTIONS ON 31 DECEMBER 2017 (DOUBLES AS A NEWSLETTER)

So 2017 is also about to go! What happened during the year?

All in all, a rather unremarkable year. Sitting in the Governor’s chair at Agartala, mainly watching as life goes by. And that is why this is going to be, maybe a relatively short blog, at least compared to other, more eventful years.

The highlight of the year has been the birth of my third grandchild, a son for my younger daughter Momo and her husband Ajinkya. A third U.S. citizen added to the considerable strength of the North American resident descendants of the late Girish Chandra Roy, my grandfather. We were due to be with her at the birth, but had to cancel the trip at the last moment. So, no trips abroad this year.

Right through the year I have mostly been writing, and whatever remarkable that has happened during the year have been in this regard. First, the Bengali translation of my book My People,Uprooted, the story of the persecution and exodus of Hindus from East Bengal,  titled Ja Chhilo Amar Desh, sold like hot cakes. The book came out in late 2016, and by the end of 2017 it has run to the third reprint. Thanks are due principally to Indrani, daughter of the redoubtable Bhanu babu (Sabitendranath Ray) of Mitra & Ghosh Publishing, who correctly predicted that the Bengali edition would sell better compared to the English one, and pushed me into writing it. Also my other book, the biography of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, my idol, is currently under translation into Bengali, again at Indrani’s pushing. And finally, this book has been taken up by Penguin-Random House, a great honour. But there’s a catch. They wanted me first to shorten the book which I did. Now they want me to quote all the references, for which I have to hunt up references that I saw some seven years back. Tough job, amounts to reverse engineering the book. This is what is keeping me busy right now.

Meanwhile I had taken up writing my memoirs, and had gone up to 1990, that is the point when I entered politics, but that now lies in abeyance. I seem to be able to write well in both languages. Maybe this is going to be my calling in my remaining years, not politics. Who knows?

I remain a devout Modi-Bhakt, the lacklustre results in Gujarat notwithstanding. In Gujarat he had to combat anti-incumbency of 22 years, caste politics of the Congress and the Hardik-Alpesh-Jignesh trio, hostility from a section of the media (Saudi-funded, I suspect) and the fallout of the daring moves that only he dared to make, namely demonetization and GST. At long last we have a Prime Minister who is a towering personality, of unimpeachable integrity, courage to push through unpopular reforms, undying love for the country, consummate political skill, and, above all, Hindutva in his heart. God speed to him.

My umbilical cord to the RSS remains intact. Saw Mohanji Bhagwat recently at Smt. Mahua Dhar’s house. The man exudes power. To think what the Pracharaks have been through, including three bans, and persecution during the Emergency.

On the family front the year began with my elder daughter and her family, especially my delightful grandchildren visiting, and as the year ends they are visiting again. Presence of the grandchildren and my daughter is an unalloyed pleasure. Kiran, my son-in-law and his mother Vijaya are also visiting.

And on the personal front again, I got my right eye operated for cataract. By God’s grace the operation has worked out well, and my right eye is back to where it was at age 11, though near vision is impaired. And by God's grace my wife and I are all right healthwise, considering our ages of 72 and 68

My wife and I had received Deeksha from Swami Prabhanandaji, vice-president of the Ramakrishna Math and Mission in 2016 and now I am quite steeped in the rituals that a Deekshita is required to do. After Deeksha I saw Prabhanandaji a number of times, and sheer contact with the monk gives me great peace of mind. Meanwhile Swami Atmasthananda, President Maharaj, left his earthly abode. He was the first senior monk of the Math and Mission with whom I had close contact, together with Swami Muktinathananda (Sujit Maharaj) presently of Lucknow. All this happened through the good offices of my late friend Adhip Ganguly. I miss Adhip. I saw the new President Smarananandaji (Jairam Maharaj) and the new General Secretary Suveeranandaji the last time I visited Belur Math.

I keep contacts with Bharat Sevashram Sangha also and see Swami Biswatmanandaji (Dilip Maharaj) fairly regularly. Recently I arranged for the visit of some of their monks to Arunachal, by the courtesy of Dr. Joram Beda, Secretary to the Governor there.

My tweeting goes on, slightly subdued. The number of my followers has swelled to over. 83,000. But still twitter will not verify me, give me the blue tick. Can you guess why?

That’s all for today. See you on 31^st December 2018.

ROHINGIYAS: A REALITY CHECK

Who exactly are the Rohingiyas? What has been done to them by the Buddhist Myanmarese? And why? Ninety-nine per cent of the do-gooders have not the foggiest notion about answers to these questions, but are talking about a “Rohingiya Genocide” and why India (of all countries, why India?) should offer sanctuary to them. Here’s a reality check.

Back in 1824 the British colonized Burma and took a number of labourers from neighbouring Chittagong District of Bengal (now part of Bangladesh) to start cultivation there. The bulk of these were Muslims, a very small number were Hindus. This is why their spoken language is very similar to the spoken language of Southern Chittagong. This language is very different from standard spoken Bengali. Bengalis from elsewhere, whether Bangladesh or West Bengal, do not understand the Rohingiya language, or vice versa, nor do the Rohingiyas use the Bengali script. However, the ethnic Burmese have off and on referred to them loosely as ‘Bengalis’.

  

After the British left India and Burma the Rohingiyas continued to live there, and for some reason began to get involved in anti-social activities, such as thievery, smuggling, dacoity and crimes against women. This brought them in direct conflict with the local Buddhist Burmese (now Myanmarese). During the Pakistan Movement in the 1940s, Rohingya Muslims in western Burma organized a separatist movement to merge the region into East Pakistan. Before the independence of Burma in January 1948, Muslim leaders from Arakan addressed themselves to Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, and asked his assistance in incorporating the Mayu region to Pakistan considering their religious affinity and geographical proximity with East Pakistan. The North Arakan Muslim League was founded in Akyab (modern Sittwe) two months later. The proposal never materialized since it was reportedly turned down by Jinnah, saying that he was not in a position to interfere into Burmese matters.

After Jinnah's refusal to accept northern Arakan into the Dominion of Pakistan, some Rohingya elders who supported a jihad movement, founded the Mujahid party in northern Arakan in 1947. The aim of the Mujahid party was to create an autonomous Muslim state in Arakan. By the 1950s, they began to use the term "Rohingya" which may be a continuation of the term Rooinga to establish a distinct identity and identify themselves as indigenous. They were much more active before the 1962 Burmese coup d'état by General Ne Win.

In 1971 the Rohingiyas again raised the slogan of an Islamic state and started an armed Jihad. Ne Win carried out military operations against them over a period of two decades. The prominent one was Operation King Dragon, which took place in 1978; as a result, many Muslims in the region fled to neighbouring Bangladesh as refugees. In addition to Bangladesh, a large number of Rohingyas also migrated to Karachi, Pakistan. Rohingya mujahideen are still active within the remote areas of Arakan. On 28 April 1994 the Rohingiyas burst bombs in Maungdaw town and mounted attacks on the Burmese police. In 2012 three Buddhist women were raped. This completely broke down relations between the Buddhists and the Muslims.

Meanwhile Rohingiya emigrants to Saudi Arabia set up a terrorist organisation called Arakan Rohingiya Salvation Army (ARSA). This is led by a Pakistan-born, Saudi-bred Rohingiya called Ataullah. They are carrying on attacks against the Myanmarese state forces, but at the same time attacking in disguise the Hindus of Rakhine. This is because they want to provoke India to fight Myanmar and give them refuge. They are sure that Bangladesh or any other Islamic country will never take them in any significant number because in any country they go to they’d be a nuisance, at the very least – and a serious security threat in all probability. So their target is to be rehabilitated in India, which they know has a soft underbelly of Pan-Islamists, Muslim appeasers, misguided do-gooders and assorted busybodies based in Lutyens’ New Delhi who feel their place is threatened by Narendra Modi.